Assessment of the Jarawa situation 2006
by Dr. Vishvajit Pandya
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Text completed 18th January 2006 under the title "Changes
that have taken place and what could be changed - Assessment
of Jarawa Situation 2006". Dr. Pandya can be reached by E-mail under vishvajit_pandya@da-iict.org |
1. Introduction: Background to the study
This report is an outcome of the question raised by the Hon Member of Parliament Shree Manoranjan Bhakta from the Andaman and Nicobar islands. He had raised the issue of making it possible for the Jarawa children in the region of Tirur (who had expressed the desire) to attend the local school. The local Andaman administration and Andaman Adim Janjati Vikas Samiti (AAJVS) therefore wanted to conduct a brief study, based on social and cultural anthropological techniques of observation and qualitative data analysis. The brief ethnographic survey was taken up to respond to question posed as; has the behaviour of the Jarawa changed in recent times? (Ref: F.No 16-1AAJVS/2004/PF-II/473 dated 13/10/2005). And if so, is it possible for them to be brought into a mainstream institutional framework such as the rural children' school.(1)
It must be mentioned at the outset that in 2003, an expert committee on the Jarawa completed an extensive study on the issue of their purported behavioral changes. (See Banerjee 1999). The multi-disciplinary team grappled with the question posed by the Calcutta High Court, on the nature and cause of these changes among the Jarawas.(2) Given the structure of study team it was critically debated and led to the adoption of a Jarawa policy (Notification dated:21December 2004). The study (Andaman and Nicobar Information 2003) should be considered as raising a pertinent issue but not adequately focused on the dynamically changing contexts that the Jarawas are placed in (See Pandya 2002). After the initial phase of full-blown 'contact' with the world outside (Mukhopadhyay 2002, Pandya 1998 and1999), today the Jarawas who remain within the confines of the extended tribal reserve are definitely facing new changes and responding to forces from outside.(3) This report has a basic orientation towards the understanding that the Jarawas today are precariously placed in a socio-cultural context that is constantly transforming. Such transformations arguably, have been brought about by the Jarawas themselves, by the non-tribal communities of the Andamans, by the administration and its agencies, particularly AAJVS, as well as by a range of international interest groups and the media. It must be however remembered that historically the Jarawas have been in degrees of contact with the outside world from time to time and have been known to have evolved a variety different responses to such instances of contact. (See Fawcett 1912, Hellard 1861, Mann 1973, Portman 1899, Sarkar 1963,1990,Woolley 1912a and 1912b).
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1 Originally the question was raised by the hon. MP and included as one of the demand and issues that he had raised. Interestingly enough in the list of demands a concern has also been raised that the welfare provisions given by the administration should be reduced. Perhaps the two points made by the M.P. also reflect the concern of the people at large who are represented in the parliament by Shree Manoranjan Bhakta. 2 It seems that the strange assumption was that Jarawas should not have changed. They should have remained in the confines of the reserve territory and as they have become visible it must be due to problem like shortage of food resources or anxiety. Sadly enough the experts too were all driven by the idea that change is wrongly taking place but could not come to an agreement about how to handle with the changes. 3 This is well documented in the available records of Kadamtalla AAJVS office where each time the Jarawas want medical attention they seek attention for 'Enen ulatey' (paincaused by outsiders) from the local staff. So much so, that open wounds, persistent cough/cold and stomach disorder in terms of comprehensible symptoms for ‚"medical practitioner" has become standard repertoire of the Jarawa individuals and parents vocabulary to convey to authorities (See Pandya 2005 b). |
Some of the major changes that have taken place since 2003 when the Expert Committee report first came out (and have directly or indirectly had an impact on the Jarawa situation) are:
-- Total estimated number of Jarawas from 266 has increased to an estimate of 305.-- Unauthorized shops found in certain sections of the ATR passing through the reserve territory have been removed.
-- Jarawa tribal reserve territory has been increased.
-- Number of Police outposts and Forest department camps have been withdrawn or shifted.
-- Due to the tsunami, the number of tourists on ATR has considerably reduced.
-- Increase in the number of people working on ATR within the reserve territory.
-- Increased structural dependence of AAJVS on police but decline in the efficiency of being present at the strategic locations (Exception being the Kadamtalla area only).
-- Increased urge of Jarawas to use the ATR transport system to move them from place to place.
-- Jarawas 'hang out' at the roadside not to particularly gather any thing from people using the road but out of sheer lack of activity.
-- Increased number of poachers in the Jarawa reserve forest.
-- Increased police interaction with Jarawas, often superfluous police presence in the reserve territory, often irregular in nature.
-- West coast has become more susceptible to individuals illegally entering Jarawa reserve.
-- More casual interaction of Jarawas with settlers in Tirur region, nurtured by the goodwill and compassion shown by the settlers towards the now less hostile Jarawas.
-- Jarawas are more selective and assertive in using the medical facility.
-- Large-scale Jarawa operations of taking items from the settlement have considerably reduced
-- According to the register maintained at Kadamtalla the statistics clearly shows a declining trend of Jarawa incidents coming into the settlement and having any form of contact:
Statistics from region of Uttra Jetty to Phooltalla, Sippi tekri and Lewis Bay: number of recorded incidents in which Jarawas came into contact 1998-2005:
1998: 160x
1999: 90x
2000: 75x
2001: 55x
2002: 14x
2003: 16x
2004. 19x
2005: 18x
Note: From 2003 most of the recorded sightings (about 90% ) are related to requirement of medical attention. Records also indicate that the contacts in Tirur region and Lewis Bay and the sightings in the vicinity of these areas are either based on Jarawa curiosity or the result of the significant police role in bringing out Jarawas. Good management of the Jarawa situation in Kadamtalla must be recognized
Despite these myriad pressures, it has not been possible to shut off the ATR passing through the Jarawa reserve territory. It is not a practical possibility as the issue would involve the contending claims of a small tribal community and a larger number of tax paying citizens who are politically articulate, and who are in apparent support of a sustained developmental process in the islands. The road in such circumstances is deemed to remain operational. But the issue that needs to be simultaneously addressed is that the Jarawas as of the ‚"First people" of the islands have to be ensured of their rights to survive and sustain their livelihoods with dignity.(4) This however does not necessarily mean that they should be kept as mere ‚"Primitive Tribal Groups" or what Nehru regarded as exhibits in the Human Zoo (See Elwin 1961 and 1973). Keeping in mind the experience and history of post-independent Andaman Islands we have to be careful not to make the Jarawas into a 'dole dependent community', as in the case of the Great Andamanese and Ongees. Nobody wants the Jarawas to become replicas of the contemporary Great Andamanese. This means that we must in principle grant, that the Jarawas today are set on a course of various levels of change, and are already on collision course with structures that refuse to recognize such changes, a situation in sum, where assimilation with mainstream island existence is inevitable. Given these changes it is time to acknowledge that the Jarawas are no more a group of ‚"primitive hunters and gatherers". They recognize their precarious position and articulate their community'needs and concerns and can utilize the welfare agency to suit their requirements.(5) Within the Jarawa community this is a major change in their shared world-view. In relation to this change where the Jarawas now seek outside assistance as in the domain of medicine, it is no more the situation of outsiders trying to convince Jarawas to come out and seek medical assistance, the willingness to do so, is their own. (See Pandya 2002a and 2005b. Having said that, it has to be reiterated that the degree of changes taking place has to be carefully monitored and understood so that we too can change the nature of our concerns for the Jarawas in new and more meaningful ways. As a matter of immediate priority, for instance, timely and prompt actions must be taken to ensure that Jarawas are equipped to deal with the avalanche of transformations that they are going to face. Capacity building among the Jarawas should be the prime directive; so that they are able to cope with the changes and can take a course of action that is based on their choice and not imposed by any outside agency. It is imperative to recognize that in future the Jarawa community has to manage the course of its existence on it'own in a way that doesn"t erode or undermine the bases of it'culture, particularly the deep reserves of it'ethno-knowledge which has kept the community alive in what is perhaps the only remaining rich forest area of the Andaman Islands.(6). In the ultimate analysis, we should aim at preparing the Jarawas to be the custodians of their own land. This degree of self sufficiency and self governance whereby they feel that they are the stake-holders in the making of their own lives within the Indian state, would avoid making them into 'our constructs' of what a ‚"modern Indian citizen" should be. The idea of keeping a primitive community as 'Primitive' would on the other hand be nothing but an imposed neo -colonialist imposition (Pandya 1990,2000 and 200a). We along with the Jarawas have to work out a notion of change or an aspired ‚"modernity" that is articulated within the terms of Jarawa social praxis. It is wrong to assume by non-tribals (settlers), or by policy makers (See Naidu 1999, Mukhopadyay 2002, Singh 1981) and applied academicians, that overnight, the children of hunters and gatherers in the forest could be transformed into disciplined school going children of settled cultivators and confined to a designated settlement (See Pandya 2005a).
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4 During December 2006 along the ATR within the Jarawa territory I casually enquired at various spots from the overseers of laborers who estimated that each day about 150 to 200 casual contractual labor is working in relation to the road within the Jarawa reserve. Their conduct is not monitored and as a consequence Jarawas of Poona Nallah region in their possession have not only chewing tobacco but also religion medallions of Hindu gods and goddesses on a metal chain. Jarawas call them 'bhabhachey' (aberration of term "Bhagvanjee") and fold their arms. Similarly according to Kadamtalla Jarawas, Jarawas from Mayabunder region have been recipient of Christian crosses and Christ as a name is pronounced as-‚"Jesuk" (for word Jesus). Preliminary investigation among the Karens in Mayabunder region indicate that this may be the function of evangelist group [now on decline] known as Church of Shalom. 5 This is evident in the language acquisition of Hindustani by Jarawas to articulate what and when they want some thing from the workers of AAJVS. So frequently AAJVS field staff has to organize the logistics of Jarawa moving from one place to other, for reasons seldom articulated, apart from demanding the transportation. On the other hand the quality of language acquired to really exchange ideas between AAJVS field-staff and Jarawas individuals remains very limited. State of mutually understood spoken discourse between outsiders and the Jarawa today is a mere exchange of commands and demands. In course of about nine years of my personal observations and ethnographic observations I now find that most Jarawa interlocutors can convey specific demands, but only selective individuals would sit face to face for holding any kind of discussion. So young Jarawa males are particularly selective in asserting in ‚"our language" what they desire (Cf Elkin 1951). |
The shift from hunting to cultivation and finally participating in industrialized capitalist production has entailed a long history of human evolution. It would thus be dangerous to push the Jarawas on an accelerated track of evolution through any unilateral exercise of social engineering. It would be also wrong to assume that Jarawas are not competent enough, to choose and modify their social roles according to their own perceived needs.(7) It would in a sense be naive and irresponsible, on our parts, to remain indifferent or insensitive to the changes experienced by the Jarawas and continue to keep them closeted as a primitive group. Insistence and focus should be in developing tools and processes of production that are based in Jarawa culture but connected to the larger economy outside the reserve forest. The Jarawa reserve territory is the land resource that belongs to them, (in spite of our defining and confining them to it) and we cannot under any justification, pull them out and make them live in a place that we create for them as has been historically done with the Great Andamanese and Ongees. Neither can we just herd them out of the forest to live in allocated quarters in ‚"our villages and towns". Jarawas have to make the choice for themselves like any citizen in the democratic republic of India. Our policy should be to facilitate the community to control what should be recognized as their resource so that a productive process controlled and managed by them can be set in motion. The mistake in terms of welfare has been that we have only focused on providing the "primitive tribal groups" (See Andaman and Nicobar Information 1976, Sharma 1981) with all that they can consume.
The present report is oriented to providing some constructive suggestions for a course of action that acknowledges the changing time that frames the Jarawa community today. It considers the steps that could be changed or altered so that the Jarawas are equipped to stand up to the challenges they are bound to encounter. Hence in course of the study not only for this report (but also as an ethnographic observer of the Jarawa community since 1997) I have tried to address the very concept of 'change', through an exploration of its multi-layered manifestations in various sectors particularly, in relation to the actual lived experiences of the Jarawas and the non tribals within the Andaman islands.(8)
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6 Jarawa reserve territory is not only the best kept natural forest but also it has remained so because Jarawas are the occupants of it. For long the increasing number of settlers since early colonial times were afraid to enter and exploit the forest as Jarawas were perceived hostile (Radcliffe-Brown 1964, Man 1932, Cipriani 1959,Fawcett 1912,Haughton 1861,Hellard 1861,Portman 1899, Temple 1903,1930,1976,1990). However since 2000 the very perception of the Jarawa as being 'friendly' or 'non-hostile' has made the Jarawas and the forest within Jarawa reserve territory much more susceptible to outsider entering in being agents of various exploitative practices. 7 2001 along with Mr.Awaradi I had observed that Jarawas at Kadamtalla without any training imparted to them had started to make candle sticks by pouring hot bees wax, derived from the gathered honeycombs in the forest. The observation of candle sticks in the settlement had inspired some of them to pour the bees wax in bamboo segments and just before it cooled and got firm they had put in a cotton thread. This was a concrete example of Jarawa capacity to be creative and enterprising. They never produced it for transaction with the outsiders. In 2005 this production was not visible among the same groups of Kadamtalla. However the Tirur settlers report that close by to the village Jarawas have set up some shelters and do not really have any 'stored food in them', but the Jarawas frequently come to the settlers with gathered crabs and exchange it for rice. Here is an emerging pattern of exchange relation that has worked its way into selective Jarawa community. Similarly it is reported that at the crossing of middle strait some Jarawas provide a little amount of resin packed over much of dry clay lumps to passing passengers on ATR. Jarawas insist on getting a paper currency as opposed to coin, reflecting a visual association with economic value. Moreover it shows the Jarawa capacity to calculate the economic advantage by 'cheating' the passengers who are in a hurry. In fact it should not be assumed that Jarawas are simple folks unable to understand economic exchange. For example in early phase of contact at various jetties small shop owners had pretty much got the Jarawas trained to return back unopened food packs that the bus passengers purchased for them and re-sale it to the passengers, and giving Jarawas what they wanted at the end of the day (Pandya 20). Similarly Jarawas at roadside pose for cameras and expect in return to be paid in token form of chewing tobacco. These historical developments show various degrees of economic sensibilities that exist among the Jarawas in different parts and all Jarawas cannot be treated as a cultural monolith. Even the Jarawas of Kadamtalla feel that the personality of Jarawas particularly at Tirur is very different. Historically Ongees also saw the difference among them selves in terms of those from Dugong Creek and those from South Bay. 8 We should bear in mind the profound philosophical idea of free India'developmental scheme enshrined in the principle of Swadeshi as the basis of Swaraj. As we ignore the aspect of production even the Jarawa expert committee report in various ways has only assessed what the Jarawas ‚"consume" and what could be supplemented in the consumption sectors. The emphasis should be on what they produce and how and if in future what diversification of production and it'control be in hands of Jarawas. |
The present study which was conducted in the month of December 2005 is based on observations and suggestions drawn from three major sources apart from my own ethnographic inquiries. The background information utilized originates from:
I) Shri Awaradi's Master Plan drawn up in 1990. This is a valuable document and only one of its kind that is based on real on ground study and addresses to the concerns of what needs to be done in the long term for tribal community like Jarawas. (9)
II) The Jarawa Expert Committee Report released in 2003 which was an ambitious and influential document that generated debates and reformulations, but fell short of formulating any clear directives or generating any consensus among the diverse opinions of the co-authors involved in the project. The document however is worthy of being considered as a benchmark and reflects fundamental problems that need to be rectified by correcting the orientation for the future work of any sort among the Jarawas.
III) My own field data and observations made since 1987 in relation to Jarawa culture, enhanced with the orientation of Andamanese tribal situation and functioning of AAJVS since 1983.(10)
Since 1998 I was not only studying the Jarawas alone but also understanding them in relation to the ever-increasing number of settlers around them. Awaradi (1990) had rightly proposed that in order to comprehend the Jarawa cultural and social context the practice of 'periscopic anthropology' is most relevant as it makes the observer locate himself in between the tribal and the non-tribal communities. Utilization of this approach is most appropriate now than ever before as the growing concern of the non-tribals has been to incorporate Jarawas into the main stream of Andamanese way of life. Settlers who too are historical recipients of administrative assistance for settling on the islands have a very strong view on what should be done with the Jarawas. How they see Jarawas, as a 'problem' has therefore to be considered very seriously. As a result, in order to understand changes among the Jarawas perceptions of the settlers about changing Jarawas was taken into consideration (11)
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9 I am deeply indebted to Shree Awaradi, with whom for over two decades one has exchanged ideas and concerns in order to understand various aspects of Andamanese tribal situation. 10 Much of my research-work, purely academic in nature, has been funded by research grants from international academic organizations, and results have been published in form of academic papers in international journals and books (for a selection relevant to Jarawas see the references) However none of the past research and the ongoing research would have been possible without the kind assistance provided by AAJVS and it'staff at various levels. 11 After all the MP'idea of bringing Jarawas to school, is also his and his constituency'perception that Jarawas are now ready to be part of the modern nation state as embodied in the form of school. However son of settlers in Kadamtalla, a schoolteacher stated, 'most kids come to school for the free lunch and not for any other great noble reason. So would the Jarawa kids be drawn in for the free lunch and nothing more?'(Personal interview with Manik Pramanik 11 Dec 2005) |
Much of the ethnographic observations and policy suggestions are based on discussions held with the settlers, local authorities, appointed AAJVS staff at various locations, in particular those in connection with the Jarawa community in the Kadamtalla region and who are in constant touch with other Jarawa groups. I considered the region of Kadamtalla as the main starting point because of following features.
1. Jarawas in this area were historically the first to step out and have contact with the outside world.
2, historically the settlers around the Kadamtalla area have had the most prolonged and changing relationship with the Jarawas.
3. Places like Phooltalla are in extreme proximity to Jarawa reserve- up to certain degree homologous to the Tirur region where the Jarawas came out much later.
4. AAJVS organization functioning from Uttara is the most well organized and systematic set up dealing with the Jarawas on day-to-day basis. They also have the best interface with the Jarawas operating from the Kadamtalla region at large. Their records have been remarkably maintained and the grasp of Jarawa language among all the staff working in the region is remarkable.
5. The smaller groups of Jarawas regularly visit the traditional Jarawa settlements within this area from the Tirur region as well from the North as far as Lewis Bay (Mayabunder). This makes the Kadamtalla a major pivot of Jarawa community'movement along North South axis.
6. Existing Jarawa camps in the region are relatively balanced in being anchored in traditional forest dependence as well as in resorting to outside help for various needs. In comparison, the Tirur group is most 'unsettled and more prone to the coming out feature'. Jarawa groups (the smallest) near Lewis bay are in a position where they do not visit the settlements but are regularly visited by the settlers.
The main central nodes from where the work was spread out was- Uttara, Kadamtalla. North of Kadamtalla region, of Phooltalla, Bodtalla, Kalsee, and up to Billy Ground. In the Mayabunder region the vicinity of Chainpur, Webi and Hanspuree were visited. An effort was particularly made to evolve a methodology whereby insights could be gained from the historical chronology, of settlers coming in as cultural groups at various points in time in response to the varying needs of the colonial and post-colonial administrators such as the Karens, Raanchiwallas and Bangalees. Past work in the Tirur region complemented the short visit and talking to the settlers in the Tirur region during December 2005.
For the purpose of this report the issues were identified as
A) How has the relationship between the tribals and non-tribals changed in recent times?
B) What are the changes gaining prominence within the Jarawa social organization and its context of Jarawa reserve forest?
C) What is the position of a ‚"School" within the present Jarawa ethos and what modified 'School Structure' would be required for the changes that Jarawas are subject to.
3. Issues emerging from the Settlers and the Jarawas
In order to understand the change within the Jarawa community and its very perception among the settlers, particularly those who reside in close proximity to Jarawa reserve it is important to see how the two groups have perceived each other over the last eight year span. I will first dwell upon some of the events that involved both sides and the qualitative changes that have been mutually felt and articulated. I will in this specific section suggest some concrete steps which could be considered, mainly involving the administrative actions that would benefit both the tribals and non-tribals. It is imperative that the non-tribal community is also involved in discussions of the future course for the Jarawas; or else the present feelings mutual resentment would continue to build and leave long-term negative implications.(12)
From the days of the settlers being subjected to what was regarded as 'hostility' expressed in the form of Jarawas visiting the settlements, a major change was registered from 1999 when the settlers did not report 'hostility' but complained of 'chaos' and 'economic loss' experienced due to the renewed Jarawa visitations to the settlements (Pandya 1998,2000,2002a). In 1999, the people around Tirur were sending messages and urging the AAJVS to take action against Jarawas or for providing protection to settlers living close to the Jarawa reserve, in the vicinity of the Tirur region. The insistence was on AAJVS to intervene and compensate for the loss and damage caused by the Jarawas. The welfare agency in other words, was perceived as controllers of the Jarawas and the authority that had to compensate for the experienced loss of various types among the settlers. In fact in a signal sent by the village near Uttara (dated November 2000) settlers demanded immediate protection from Jarawas, for their women on the streets. Falling short of action from the AAJVS, the villagers threatened to block traffic on the ATR as a mark of protest against the welfare organization'reluctance to control the Jarawas.
Until the year 2000, the average settler saw the Jarawas as a problem that had to be dealt with by the administration. The feeling was powerfully invoked in the July 1999 case involving Ganguly vs. the Union of India. WP No 48, under article 226 of the Constitution of India (entered in the High Court of Calcutta-jurisdiction Circuit Bench at Port Blair). What was questioned was the very visibility of the Jarawas and the condition they were in. Most of the settlers felt that the Jarawas who were evidently in a miserable predicament had to be removed from their present locations. They could for instance be made to settle in a different location like Interview Island. This seemed a solution akin to the case of the Great Andamanese who were re-settled on Strait Island. When the settlers realized, that the issue of moving Jarawas was not possible, they sought to reformulate the terms of the Jarawa problem by suggesting that what lay at the root of their misery was essentially them 'being hungry' (13). Today (2005) the settler's view of Jarawa has undergone another level of transformation. Settlers feel that 'hunger' is still the main problem and dependence on forest resources is not enough. They agree that as in the past AAJVS should continue to provide rations to the Jarawas so that they can continue to live. They feel that 'corruption' in the AAJVS and the policy to withdraw providing rations to Jarawas is no good! What is perhaps remarkable is the growing feeling among the settlers that instead of removing or relocating Jarawas they want land to be allocated to them as 'villages' within the reserve territory so that they can be made to 'settle down'. Settlers in Kadamtalla and Tirur insisted on their new vision that included creating
-- Cultivable plots in the forest for Jarawas to practice cultivation-- Teaching them to till the soil
-- Using part of the forest for plantation of areca nuts, bananas, and coconuts. Remaining forest should be available to settlers who continue to face economic hardship due to limited
land and jobs-- They should learn how to save and conserve resources
-- They should stay put in villages created for them with clean water supply and medical facilities.
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12 This is particularly important in the light of the fact that at the present moment the political machinery and thrust is all set on the course of establishing an Andaman and Nicobar State Legislative assembly. In light of this potential development local pressure groups will assert more pressure either in rapid erosion or incorporation of Jarawas into a main stream. The fear is that such forces may be too rapid avalanche of ‚"development and modernization" that the Jarawas may not be able to cope with and experience extreme alienation, cultural withdrawal and internalized resentment to dominant settlers 13 Bengali settlers express this as: 'Jarawa der dekhey bhishon maya hoye! Uder o petey khedey achey tayee joney ora akhon ama der kachey neetey ashey! Sarkar ke oder deya ucheet' (On seeing Jarawas one is overwhelmed by pity, after all they also have hunger and concerns so they come to us for charity and the Government should give them) |
As a consequence of this view, settlers particularly in Tirur region, whose agricultural products are allegedly vulnerable to Jarawa activities, tend to take on themselves the role of providing rice and other things they think would pacify the Jarawas and also expect in return items like crabs collected by the Jarawas. Often settlers need to be sensitized that what belongs to the Jarawa is not just the forest territory but also right to own certain material possessions. For instance on 20 October 2005, a Phooltalla resident decided to walk away with a machete left by the Jarawa on the road side as he ran after a monitor lizard passing by. Much like the settlers who resent the Jarawas walking away with bananas, without any compunction the settler appropriated Jarwa'valued machete. The concerned AAJVS staff resolved the matter by presenting a substitute machete to the Jarawa (AAJVS report from Kadamtalla dated 20 October 2005). This course of action was all right, but symbolically it would have got maximum mileage if the villagers were made to present the machete to the tribal concerned. After all somebody should take responsibility within the collective level of community and it should not be just AAJVS'role to clean up the problems once they have been created by the non-tribals. Lack of sensitivity among the non-tribals continues and the Jarawas react to it. It is a two way process that has to be understood and addressed. For example the incident that happened on 16 April 2005 when settlers destroyed the Jarawa's stored honey at Philip Nallah, within the reserve territory. In retaliation Jarawas entered Forest valley (Report of Tribal Welfare Officer, AAJVS Kadamtalla dated 26 April 2005) and 'looted gold ornaments, cash, watches, clothes, and utensils from 17 houses' (Office of the Superintendent of Police, Andaman District No.R/153/05/1879 Dated 21 April 2005). This retaliation on the part of Jarawas as well as the Settlers constitutes a history starting in the colonial days when 'Punitive expeditions' were mounted against Jarawas (See Fawcett 1912, Temple 1903). Only that today both the Jarawas and the settlers are citizens of free India. Police recovered some material from the Jarawas (Report of Tribal Welfare Officer, AAJVS Kadamtalla dated 26 April 2005) but no action is on record for the loss caused to the Jarawas by settlers as well as lack of responsible action from the legal and judiciary authorities. It is also rumored that the houses that were looted actually had bootlegging stilts that were the real property damaged by Jarawas. I would really question the attributed act of Jarawas as if they knew precisely what valuables to take away. Issues like this need to be dealt in a sensitive manner and be incorporated into programs to sensitize the settlers. It should be presented as an issue of discussion, as opposed to making didactic dictates in the name of sensitization program within the community. Moreover the police force must be included in the gambit of any sensitization program.(14)
It has happened in Phooltalla that, one settler invites the passing by Jarawas to take bananas and coconut from the field but not from his own plot of garden but from the neighboring settlers plot. (15) This kind of incident indicates that the settlers can misuse Jarawas and instigate them to create problematic situations.(16) Often settlers feel that individuals are misusing the system of compensation and the whole procedure gets mired in unfair practices when charges and counter charges get overblown by the reported damage caused by Jarawas on the settlers.
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14 In the course of the present study I did observe one of the sensitization programs that was well conducted by Director Tribal Welfare but in spite of the invitation extended, Police officials and Anthropological Survey officials were conspicuously absent. Both departments have an important role to play and the overall message and structure of communication must be well thought out 15 Reported incident dated 25 November 2005 from Phooltalla. Also confirmed by the settlers at Phooltalla in December 2005 16 There are cases of sexual abuse of Jarawa women by non-tribals in Tirur as well as within Port Blair hospital. These matters remain covered up and need to be looked into seriously. |
4. Suggested Steps and Action (I)
-- A better sensitization program is essential, where by not only conduct of the settlers is reformulated but also AAJVS presents what it aims to do and what it is trying to do. A structured dossier on the Jarawa culture must be designed, for presenting to the settler communities. It should show the problem, role settlers can play, significance of the forest per-se and how it is a collective responsibility and not just the AAJVS'work. Perhaps the content of the program should be developed for other sectors like school children using audiovisual material. [The model of how Family planning campaign was publicized effectively is a good case study to consider.]-- Settlers claim to loss caused, particularly agricultural products because of Jarawas could be streamlined to reduce the paperwork. Some thing like 'Crop insurance' could be considered.
-- At local rural level individuals could be organized, who on regular basis meet with the AAJVS authorities to communicate changing ground realities. They would be not just groups that lodge complaints but work towards mutual tolerance, sensitivity and efficient practices to safeguard the rights of both the tribals and non-tribals.
-- Idea of creating a kind of 'Buffer zone' in selected areas should be considered (See Awaradi 1990). The forest area in this zone would be the responsibility of the local Panchayats who would in collaboration with Forest department and AAJVS create the local villagers to be stakeholders in the utilization of the forest resources. How the zone has to be carved out should consider not cutting it out of the existing Jarawas reserve area but demarcating it around it and if required taking minimum land from the designated Jarawa reserve forest. This would minimize the individualized illegal exploitation of forest resource and make the community economically responsible for a forest area.
-- Undoubtedly, there has been a major attitude change among settlers in their shifts in demands of the removal of Jarawas to new locations to an emphasis on the recognition of the Jarawas as occupants of a ‚"village". It is in my understanding the settler'own projections of what they historically experienced as a 'settler' under the various colonization schemes which brought them into the islands. Settlers do concede that entering the Jarawa forest for 'illegal hunting and gathering' is a reality, but they feel that they have to do so in order to supplement their meager cash reserves particularly in a situation were wage earning via a job is not easy to come by. How ever it should not be construed that most settlers exploit recourses from the Jarawa reserve forest. An estimated 10% of settler population is reportedly involved in such activities. These are families known to the community and historically known to have carried out such practices within the organizational structures of the family itself. It is reported that if at all a day'casual labor is gained, an individual would at the most earn Rs 100 for his day long labor. But, setting up traps in the forest is half a day'work and even after two days a single trap yields" a minimum 10 to 15 Kg of meat (Wild Pig or Deer) that is sold at the minimum price of at least 35Rs per kg. Settlers do concede that the number of game available has considerably declined. The first generation of settlers who were involved in start of cultivation near the Jarawa reserve reported that during 1950'pigs and deer were a real pest and they had to set up fences to protect the crops planted by them.(17) In fact the administration and authorities encouraged them to hunt in the reserve forests. There was an informal understanding that settlers would keep away from coming face to face with the Jarawas as Jarawas would signal their presence in the vicinity by beating tree buttresses. The contemporary situation is dramatically different. Animals from the forest rarely invade the fields or destroy crops, but the local market in the proximity of the Jarawa reserve territory has regular supplies of their meat along with fish, particularly fresh water fish, procured from resource bases of the Jarawas.
-- Settlers from the Phooltolla reported that in the last one year when the settlers confronted the Jarawas in the reserve territory setting up the traps, Jarawas took away the traps and in broken Hindustani communicated the warning that , 'If we see you again here with traps we will cut off your ear lobes!' Phooltolla residents see this as a serious threat from the unpredictable Jarawas. It is an interesting development, even if it is attributed to the Jarawas, that they have acquired a clear idea about what may not be permissible in the designated Jarawa territory.(18) The settlers tend to ignore the AAJVS staff insistence that they should avoid various forms of extraction from the Jarawa reserve forest. Up to a degree this has been effective as the team at Phooltalla has local individuals working on contract basis and interfaces well with the local settlers.(19) How ever there is also the other side to the problem that needs attention. Forest authorities, and police seldom back up the reports of AAJVS by taking any regulatory or legal action. This undermines the impact of the actions taken by the AAJVS field staff.
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17 In many countries wild game is being raised in small farms for the lucrative gourmet meat market. Deer meat to has a well-known market known as venison and could be looked into developing it as an alternative agricultural product around the Jarawa reserve forest. These small-scale operations could be located in the proposed 'Buffer Zones'. This would provide not only economic resources to the settlers but also cut down the pull for illegal hunting in the Jarawa forest. 18 AAJVS workers in Phooltalla should be complemented for informally installing this awareness among the Jarawas. The Jarawas in this area regularly deposit settlers trap from the forest to Shree Anup Mandal who heads an extremely dedicated team of AAJVS workers stationed at Uttara. 19 It is highly desirable that the field staff that deserve the encouragement, and are from the local areas should be regularized in order to retain them and provide better incentive to continue the good work as in the region of Kadamtalla. |
5. Suggested Steps and Actions (II)
-- Like the Wild Life Warden or a Forest Guard, AAJVS field staff should be trained and given some legal means to make arrests in relation to individuals who are found to disobey the regulations related to Protection of Aboriginal tribes, June 1956. This is essential, to insure against the changes being experienced within Jarawa reserve territory and a helpless and hopeless dependence of efficient AAJVS staff, on police to back them. This step would go far in insuring the integrity of Jarawa culture as well as the reserve forest. This step would make possible prompt action against poachers. Today most of the AAJVS staff has no authority, no power and no potential to enforce and secure the Jarawa causes.-- At each local level within the Jarawa reserve territory, local community individuals should be mainstreamed as working staff. This would be an effective way to involve local community, and increase the accountability of AAJVS staff. This will be also practical and maximum utilization of locals who know the terrain and the community. For instance involving individuals from Ranchee community, in Baratang area, and Karens in Mayabunder region would be highly desirable action.
-- The field staff of AAJVS should also be subject to regular refreshers program, sharing of best practices among them and must be forced to maintain a systematic database. The office at Kadamtalla and the practice they have sustained are worth replicating and all the field stations and postings within the Jarawa territory should be brought under a central Jarawa station.
-- The AAJVS being completely dependent on police for various aspects should be disconnected from the gaze of police force who tend to be major problem due to their demonstrated lack of sensitivity towards what the AAJVS aims to do. It is therefore extremely essential that the AAJVS should have its own communication network to link various positions and postings of staff via radio and be able to move and communicate independent of an extraneous infrastructure.
-- Proposed Tribal Research Institute could play a crucial role in training the staff working in the Jarawa territory and place individuals who have right attitude and incentive to continue working and being adaptable to changing demands.
6. Issues emerging from changes and movement of and by Jarawas
The second aspect that has changed considerably, in last four years, is the concern for the Jarawa movements its changing trajectories and implications. In this section I will focus on issue of changes and how it is related to the very concept of movements across space, from place to place involving authorities, settlers and Jarawas. I will propose some steps and course of action that would be in line with what is proposed in the introduction of this report and the Jarawa Policy adopted in December 2004.
As outlined in the previous section settlers feel that Jarawas should not only give up moving into their territory but even in their own territory should 'settle down' in a defined place. This of course could be seen as a settler'way to justify their moving into the Jarawa reserve forest that still remains one of the best quality forest in the islands. Above all the settlers have been historically articulating the impact of Jarawas moving out into their territory while the combined administrative departmental forces have been unable to restrict settlers moving in for illegal purposes into Jarawa reserve forest. Related to all this is the movement on the Andaman Trunk Road (ATR) passing through the Jarawas tribal reserve. The ATR as a channel of movement will continue to exist and opinions against it have been resisted. In spite of the negative impact of the ATR on the Jarawa community, what has prevailed in the mind set of the majority is that in the ultimate analysis, the majority of settlers and the social and economic benefits they have enjoyed due to the road weighs out against the need to conserve the Jarawas as a pristine cultural group. Keeping aside the romantic view of pristine society remaining primitive and relatively undisturbed, it can be argued that even if the road in the Jarawa reserve were shut down, Jarawas and settlers would be moving into each other'territory. In other words even if the North- South movement along ATR was stopped there is no guarantee that East -West movement of Jarawas and settlers would stop. A spill over of the two groups movement is inevitable. Furthermore the inception of the ATR and the development of road based economy, has made the road itself acquire a specific meaning for the Jarawas (See Pandya 2002a) who interact with it differentially in response to their own specific needs or perceptions. As the control of road users interacting with Jarawas has to some extent been controlled it can no longer be assumed that the Jarawas will continue to hang out near the roadside.(20) People still travel on the ATR to see the Jarawas, but such sightings are no longer guaranteed as they are subject to the seasonal activity cycle of the Jarawas. Visibility of Jarawas on the roadside peaks in month of late February to mid April when Jarawas insist on moving from place to place for gathering honey. What has significantly changed is that Jarawas use the road for their advantage along with the AAJVS staff associated with the road. Instead of traditional tracks within the reserve forest criss-crossing on the North/south and East/West axis Jarawas depend on the North South movement along the road, by often seeking assistance of vehicles and form large groups that could be speedily dropped along the road to continue the movement over to the East West axis within the reserve territory. Frequently the AAJVS staff has to facilitate this movement by help sought from police, so that Jarawas are not visible to the public. The arrangements made by the AAJVS staff also includes arranging motorized boats as well as moving smaller groups to medical facilities.
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20 It must be noted that in the section of ATR from Port Blair to Baratang serious lapses on part of deputed police and AAJVS staff is quite frequent. This is mostly because of lack of coordination and no check on the posted workers. |
In a way the major role of AAJVS has now become to monitor and organize Jarawa movement and keeping them away from the road –side. While it is questionable if this is what really is the charter of the AAJVS it is practical ground reality that cannot be ignored. To prevent the Jarawas from being visible on the roadside is a kind of management brief that has been interpreted by the AAJVS workers in varying terms in various situational contexts, for instance when a VIP is traveling on the ATR, the zeal and effort put into the task is evidently greater. It is regrettable however that in spite of the effort put into managing visibility, chaos and disorder prevail as no systematic effort has ever been made to understand the underlying pattern of the Jarawa group movement. What needs to be worked out in collaboration with the Jarawas is a culturally understood schedule of movements. Up to a degree limited data of this nature exists at the Kadamtalla AAJVS staff, but much of it remains as a verbal wisdom. With the exception of the AAJVS staff at Kadamtalla, there seems to be a high degree of ignorance about any sort of rationale behind Jarawa moving from place to place. As one of the casual AAJVS worker who should have been at Gandhi Ghat but was standing talking much further away while the passengers and Jarawas interacted, informed me (on my way back from Uttara in December 2005), 'I do not know much Jarawas just keep moving everywhere, I think they have no idea where and what they have to do each day, my job is to send them away from the jetty when and if they come to jetty!' He was oblivious that about 15 Jarawas were at the Jetty while he was standing about two kilometers away assuming that; 'today morning they are all asleep and would not come to the jetty as three days back they had got a large supply of wild tubers'. Such assumptions and uninformed views stand in the way of evolving any practical solution.
Returning to the issue of Jarawas using the road transport facility has made them dependent on the AAJVS and also unavoidably visible along the ATR. Traditionally Jarawas use to move through the forest and used predominantly the western coastal side for movement (Cf Pandya 1990a, 1991, 1993, 1999, 2005b, Casamir and Rao 1990). Historically this was the side where administration had a series of contacts till 2001. Along this side often the Jarawas were observed crossing the creek using rafts or floats.(21) From the west coast Jarawas use to move eastward in the forest and along the Northwest axis of the Western coastline. It is conceivable that the ATR has been accepted by the Jarawas as a new meaningful resource in their environment now (See Pandya 2002a), in spite of the fact that it has made vulnerable too. A solution is required as long as the road continues and its use keeps increasing.
The Tirur group of Jarawas, in relation to the Jarawas in Kadamtalla and Mayabunder group have a very different predicament. They are relatively un- integrated within the structures of road -dependence due to a geographical distance from it and being surrounded by the settlement that makes their areas of movement much more difficult to negotiate. This is particularly evident in their attempts to move northwards to utilize traditional resource bases and maintain social ties with other Jarawa groups. In fact historically they were the last group to come into a so-called full-blown contact with the outside world. I understand that within the Jarawas at large there are many who have not been on the road at all and many Jarawas, particularly because of kin ties have to move along the whole of North South axis, particularly in month of March. Traditionally they moved along the west coast and were seldom spotted along the ATR in spite of the fact that the road existed for a long time.(22) This is a change experienced from the inside of the Jarawa community. As a consequence many Jarawas of the younger generation have given names related to various aspects associated with the ATR.
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21 Jarawas have never used canoes like the Ongees and Sentinnelese; nonetheless they had no inhibition negotiating relatively narrow water bodies separating landmasses. 22 Enmey'role in bringing out Jarawas has been much overplayed. After all, why did it take him one year to bring out Jarawas at Uttara and even if he had somewhat of a charismatic political leadership why has he withdrawn back? It is important to therefore think of the growing pressure and constraint on traditional patterns of movement that may have changed the Jarawa out look and adapt to the road. |
The presence and functioning of ATR has definitely brought about a rapid change among the Jarawas who never were completely isolated and always showed capacity to change and alter their ways in response top changing contexts (Portman 1899). The Jarawas were exposed to the outside world and pressures from the start of the colonial times in mid 1800'and should not be regarded as a community unable to cope with the change and a pristine society that needs to be just ‚"Saved". Instead the presence of road and the changes brought by it should be accepted as inevitable. The orientation we must have is how to check the pace of change so that it is no more a rapid shock and the Jarawas have a fortified capacity to think and define the course and degree of change for themselves. The direction and degree of change they desire must in other words, come from them and not unilaterally imposed by us on them. Following from this basic premise we have to bear in mind that our responsibility lies much in our sensitization of the settlers on the borders of the Jarawa reserve. There is evidently a lesser degree of fear among the settlers entering in to the Jarawa reserve. As the focus has been on the ATR and managing the Jarawa situation the poachers have been more in the Jarawa territory from the western coast. This increased illegal activity on the western coast needs to be checked promptly and adequately.
In the changing times the Jarawas have now realized that the reserve territory is their land and territory. This is evidenced from their responses to two reported incidents. What has gone unnoticed and unacknowledged is that Jarawas now have no inhibitions in apprehending poachers of foreign origin, particularly in Lewis Bay area and handing them to the nearby Police camp (Incident of mid December 2005). While this illustrates their eagerness to assert their territorial rights, there is a reported incident which reveals their ability to distinguish between what could be regarded as 'innocent' as opposed to 'motivated' entries into the reserve area. In 2001, it is reported that the Jarawas extended help to a 'disturbed' old lady from the settler community near Kadamtalla who had lost her way in the forest. The Jarawas searched for her and brought her back to the settlement. In spite of the Jarawas recognizing that settlers reside on the nearby on what could be called the fringes of the forest they have not displayed any conscious desire to live within what is perhaps perceived as settler'territory. The case of the Kadamtalla medical facility is instructive on this issue. When the Jarawas are admitted to the medical facility- group member'visit them with traditional food items and are observed to be concerned about the possible time of their release. Unlike the case of the Great Andamanese who like to maximize time in Port Blair, the Jarawas want to return back. Following upon this observation, the Kadamtalla Jarawas were presented with the question whether they would some day like to stay for good in the settlement? The group at the coastal camp in Lakra Lungta emphatically insisted that 'to live in the settlement would deny them to feel the changing seasons and winds, and consequent changes in the range of food available in the forest, settlers just sit in a place and it is no good'. This implies that, Jarawas lately have developed a sense of 'our forest' and in actions they take reflect an increasing degree of this consciousness. So far Jarawas have not acquired orientation of living within a settlement existing or recreated for them as a village within the forest. It is therefore important to consider following.
7. Suggested Steps and Actions (III)
-- Immediate systematic work on compiling the data on when and where Jarawas move should be consolidated. Systematic observations from the staff workers must be collected so that a model calendar of movements is created. In consultation with the Jarawas in different parts the derived model should be fine tuned so that we have an approximate idea of when and why the Jarawas move in relation to their notion of seasons, and our categories of months. Part of the orientation for this work and its importance has been conveyed to the Kadamtalla staff and they have some written records on the basis of which a more systematic and short-term work should be initiated. This is crucial to manage the situations and understand the cultural dynamics of how Jarawas think of time and a time-specific activity. In the past too, I have presented the pattern possible to AAJVS but it has not been followed up. Along with this data based model we need to add the kinship chart so that we know who is related to which area and how? Perhaps with this work we can complete the exhaustive photographic identification and a database of each individual within Jarawa culture.-- Serious consideration should be given to developing Western coastal route based on moving Jarawas by motorized boat. There would be three nodal points with the Lakra Lungta being the Main Hub. Using two medium sized rubberized boats to move Jarawas when and if required would eliminate the potential mounting hazards of being on the road. The AAJVS staff placed at Jhao Nala, Lakra Lungta and Lewis Inlet, would manage the boats reducing the dependence on the police transport as well as the rented boats. This will be also more efficient use of staff and less of harassment for the Jarawas. The idea in a simple way of moving the groups from North to Lakra Lungta, and then the boat plying from Lakra Lungta to Jhau Nalah would cover most of the spots where the Jarawas tend to visit. The group of Jarawas who were presented with this idea liked it, as it would be a system more dedicated to their cultural and traditional needs. Jarawas were concerned that would this still mean land transport to medical facility. Indeed from the costal points of Lakra Lungta and Jhau Nalah boats can be maneuvered to nearest road side for the land transport to medical facility. As recommended above (pp) with the radio communication dedicated for AAJVS staff the rapid communication and smoother water way would be definitely more effective. The question is of the rough weather duration, but it is also the time when most of the Jarawas stay put in a place, and in case of emergency the existing road facility could be used. Developing this alternative sea route dedicated to Jarawas would also serve a process of keeping more vigilance against the poachers etc who do enter the Jarawa reserve from the West coast side. This is a growing problem but the coast guard; police and forest department alone cannot be responsible. AAJVS taking a more proactive role in moving and encouraging Jarawas on this route will fortify the Jarawa reserve territory. In accordance of the recommendation made on page 14 and 16 recruiting local community individuals would also have impact on the performance of the AAJVS out posts in the above mentioned coastal points. It is important to keep in mind that some Jarawa individuals have shown the capacity to run and control motorized boats.
-- At Lakra Lungta, close to Uttara Jetty and the existing medical facility along with the AAJVS out post, a basic medical facility should be installed. This may not have a trained doctor but the AAJVS staff trained in community health should be placed. Somewhat less developed AAJVS out post has been created at Lewis Inlet. This medical station would primarily work in conjunction with other medical facilities by distributing the medicines and dispersing basic medical requirements minimizing the movement of the Jarawas for every thing to the medical centers. Also the medicine distributed from this location would insure that Jarawa patients who need to take prolonged prescription can get it and be monitored without much of outside intervention and coming into unnecessary contact with the outside world. One of the major concerns of developing an appropriate dissemination of medical dosage would be medical packing. Instead of just giving the medicine and hoping that the dose would be consumed in due time without lapses or losses, packing the daily dose in a colorful bead like container woven as a small neck ornament is a good innovative solution. In fact Jarawas have been observed to make items like insect larvae and toffee into small neck garlands that can be easily consumed while moving around.
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Example of how food is made into body ornamentation (1999) |
From Uttara Medical facility Jarawas have been known to demand basic ointments to take back to the forest so that others can use it. This is a good sign and such requests should be encouraged and could be fostered as step towards self-determination via the proposed structure of Medical outpost and AAJVS out posts.
8. Issue of School; Need and Structure
In this last section, I will focus on the issue of Jarawas going to school, as a proposal/ demand made by the Member of Parliament from the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. This proposition reflects much of the general feeling of the non-tribals as has been analyzed in the earlier section involving the changing relations between Jarawas and the non-tribals. Given the present form and structure of schooling available to the people of rural Andaman it is not conceivable to just bring over and put Jarawa children into what is generally regarded as schooling, as a social institution managed by the government. Nonetheless given the rapid changes, a course that Jarawas are set on it is imperative that we rethink of the very concept of 'school'. It is important that we do not think of the school just as an institution that teaches standard reading, writing and counting, but as a larger pedagogical context where ‚"we" learn how Jarawa culture teaches it self. What ways do they have to facilitate the process of learning from seniors to juniors so that each individual is a functional member of the society (See Pandya 2005). In the course of our learning of how Jarawas teach and learn, we need to think of creating a restructured school that would prepare and build the capacity among Jarawas to cope and deal with the changes that have set in. In this section, based on the talks held with the Jarawas, (specifically those who have seen the school at Phooltolla) and ethnographic observations made over a period of time I will make some concrete suggestions and steps that could be taken in building a 'school like system' within the Jarawa reserve at least at one spot, as an intial experiment.
On asking a small gathering of Jarawas, who have seen the school in the Phooltolla village, if they would like Jarawa children to attend a school there reaction was slow and thoughtful. They said: 'You and your children constantly rely on doing something with paper, look at you (the anthropologist in this context) are listening and working on paper- Our children do not need to do so they need to know about finding and locating things in the forest, it is a work! It has to be learned'. On posing the question to the young students of Phooltalla school how they would feel of having some Jarawa children in the classroom the response I got was amazing and much expected. Manik a nine year old boys took the lead and said, ' but how will they sit with us the teacher does not know Jarawa language but if they do come will they sit quietly- we may want to go with them and wander about in their forest, that is across the road!' Some of the Jarawas on being told that some day Jarawa children would have to work closely with the outsiders and work to keep their place in the forest, were either incredulous or unconvinced. But what was emphasized by the Jarawa elders was that the younger boys are not very keen to continue with the work in the forest and they were concerned- for instance it is the season to work on the wooden bows but not many want to do it'. It may be that our mutual understanding of school and children may be somewhat limited but it does generate an idea that is worth trying out. Perhaps a casual learning and teaching program within the Jarawa community could be initiated. This program would be oriented to collect and observe the learning practice among the Jarawas and then in due course be utilized to impart awareness of issues and options that Jarawas and their younger children may learn and exercise as choices made by them for their own community. Let me elaborate the restructured school below.
9. Suggested Steps and Actions (IV)
-- Reinforced by the preceding suggestions to enhance the integrity and security of the Jarawa tribal reserve forest and the patterns of movements within the area initiative should be taken to start an informal school based on Jarawa pedagogy and knowledge and techniques based on ‚"Forest" that could over a time be transposed and utilized to socialize and provide options for the Jarawas to relate with ‚"Nation State". Proposed Tribal Research Institute, comprising of independent and knowledgeable experts, including anthropologists, should develop a medium to long term strategy for 'School' that would take the Jarawas from their current state of disturbed and fractured transformation to a state where they can meaningfully, and knowledgeably, choose their options, without in the process getting derailed or lost.-- The proposed ‚"School" will in the start, emphasise on the younger Jarawas involved in collecting ideas and information about the forest gathered directly from the seniors in the community and substantiating it with the direct collections based and derived from the forest. For example what plant and which parts of it are used in traditional medicine for cure of what ailment? Such simple projects would not only build a systematic data base about Jarawa culture'ethno-science and range of experienced bio-diversity but also reinforce the culture'pride in its own knowledge and ensure its preservation thus preventing its identity from erosion and eventual death as has happened among the Great Andamanese. Assisted by computers the first phase of Knowledge could be taken up to develop the second phase where Techniques could be the focus. Elders may be involved to conduct group activities that entail production of things made by hand such as baskets and containers, (Ganguly and Paul 1962) and traditional shell ornaments. These could be over a period of time taken up for marketing to the outside world as 'ethnic handicrafts'. Such projects via international inter net marketing have had great success in South America and Southeast Asia. Money from this venture, which is sustainable over a long term, could be put back into the infrastructural facility available to Jarawas at various out posts and invested in procuring smaller boats. Some Jarawas already know how to use a motorized boat. Of course the production for the outside world based on what the culture produces on its own would require certain degree of product'design diversification. For example the patterns that are made by vegetable dye on wooden objects by the Jarawas could be transposed on flat sheets of paper and cloth for creating range of outside market'created desire. Similarly the ideas and knowledge about the plants, particularly of the orchids, ferns and cane could be over a period of time be switched into gathering plants for the outside 'Indoor plants market'. Over a period of time such plants with assistance from the concerned experts could be adopted for Jarawas to sustain 'Bonsai' farming for the commercial plants that are tropical in nature and have a good market. This introduced economic venture is much more anchored in Jarawa knowledge of plants and capacity to gather them. The other spin off could be deriving the roots, tubers and the fruits of the forest and creating hybrids and multiplying them for the forest plantation. This is not introducing them to Coconut and Areca nut gardens as has been attempted for Ongees, but in terms of labor organization do not sit well within the tribal culture. This would also be a first easy transition to providing orientation to cultivation of plants among the Jarawas. In the past attempts have just been miserable failures when citrus plants and banana suckers were shown to Jarawas for planting. But is Pineapple and lemon really a part of Jarawa worldview?
-- The above two steps would have a very important intellectual bi-products. Firstly it will install a basic pride in what the Jarawa culture and it'basic values to be retained for future along with a productive process built on the cultural foundation of the Jarawas so that it provides a future that is closer to self sufficiency and self pride. This experimentation with school program will make it possible for 'us' to learn and build upon the language and instructional basis where by in Jarawa phonology and vocabulary to impart awareness and education that may be relevant and useful for the Jarawas to cope with transforming contexts that they are already in.
-- The school as outlined above should be carefully utilized to disseminate ideas and options Jarawas can have and should know of. This procedure is important as the welfare activity and authority should not be perceived as sheer providers of resources that would make Jarawas only appear and dependent on the image 'we' have of them and not an image the Jarawas want for themselves in a democratic state. Proposed school in two to three years would create hopefully a better culture of language based relation that could be also utilized for the Jarawas to themselves take up the role of forest custodians and visualize the possibility of ‚"culture based environmental tourism'.
Based on the three issues analyzed in the foregoing sections that dealt with change in interface of Jarawas and Non-tribals, changes within the Jarawa community, and the ideal role schools could make in the changing situations for the Jarawas, certain suggestions have been made in Suggested Steps and Actions I to IV above. However short the duration of this field-study may have been, what was initiated because of the MP'perception, leads invariably to the conclusion that Jarawas are experiencing changes that are in the ultimate analysis irreversible. This understanding is also reinforced by years of my personal observation and study of published material. In fact change is an inevitable and natural process for any society. However it is our collective responsibility, to ensure that change for any community should not be an imposed assimilation or a complete annihilation of a group'cultural identity. It is also my understanding that no welfare agency can stop at being mere 'providers' of a community like Jarawas who have historically demonstrated the capacity to cope in a situations where they never were in any idealized or imagined state of isolation. As no effective procedures are in state to check the mounting pressure due to the number of people on the islands and forces of modernization constantly shifting gears, the state and its agencies of welfare need to rethink their strategies towards safeguarding the future of Jarawas. This future of the Jarawas must insure their very intrinsic identity and all that constitutes their culture and society. This future of Jarawas has to be a graduated process in which we have to facilitate the Jarawas to make their own informed decision so that they are active agents for them selves. Keeping this philosophy in mind I will summarize the actions proposed in the above sections and request that immediate steps be taken simultaneously to address all the fronts. No piecemeal approach will suffice, as the reality is a complex interdependent cause and effect scenario for the Jarawas.
A) Structured sensitization program for the non-tribals covering a larger cross section of settler communities.
B) Consider creating a buffer zone where the Gram Panchayat and the villagers manage part of the forest.
C) Giving certain legal authority and autonomy to AAJVS field staff to implement specific rules and regulations in relation to Tribal reserve.
D) Involving more local people from the community in ground level operations of AAJVS.
E) Restructuring AAJVS field staff so that for communication, and transportation they are not dependent on police.
F) All AAJVS field staff within the Jarawa area should be properly trained and regular upgrading and orientation be taken up. They should have direct time bound accountability and transparent practice sustained by encouragement and work related incentive. They have to be made accountable and accordingly empowered.
G) Systematic compilation of data on Jarawa pattern of movement so that a model at large of expected movement of the Jarawa culture is constructed.
H) Developing Western coastline for Jarawa movement along the North South axis of the Jarawa tribal reserve. This would also require developing three outposts along the western coastline. The out post will not have a large number of staff and maximum of two individuals would be trained for multi tasking and connected by a communication system.
I) Lakra Lungta, one of the out posts would have some of the basic medical distributional facility.
J) School as re-defined and re-constituted structure should be carefully introduced along the lines and objectives proposed.
All the above steps have been suggested on the basis of the understanding that changes in the situation of the Jarawas and those living around them, will continue even while we undertake the process of studying change and formulate ideas about how to deal with change. This report was prepared not to just document the experiential aspects of change but to bring about modifications in the way we approach the issue of what we perceive as Change and the Jarawas. The report may have its shortcomings, but I sincerely hope that in order to take positive steps for Jarawa community, it will usher new directions and initiate new thoughts and actions. In order to do all this in the right spirit of a democratic process, (which embodies a sincere commitment to the rights of the Jarawas) further deliberations, and discussions, ought to be held using the present document as an immediate point of entry. Further studies in depth, through cooperation and willingness among those involved, is essential to undertake modifications in our understanding of welfare, which hitherto has been defined purely on the basis of our cultural assumptions. The notion of Welfare has to be derived from the community'perspective too, from concepts that follow from the culture and word-view of the Jarawas and not just from our preconceived notions of welfare. Changes in policy can only happen when we are flexible enough to change or modify the categories through which we know, understand and think. I sincerely hope that this report facilitates a prompt but seriously and systematically thought out response that could start a new phase of 'our relations' with the Jarawas in which Jarawas will also share their indigenous future with us.
1890."Extracts from the Bengal consultations of the XVIIIth century relating to the Andaman Islands" in The Indian Antiquary 29 (reprint 1990)
1903. Official record of dealings with the Jarawas in Census of India 1901, 13:3.Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing
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1930. Remarks on the Andamanese and their Country. Bombay: British India Press (originally printed in Indian Antiquary from 1923 to 1930)
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